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Saul Msane: friend or foe of the people? The life of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries South African politician and journalist

  • Authors: Mokoatsi, Thapelo
  • Date: 2023-03-30
  • Subjects: Saul Msane , Elite (Social sciences) , African National Congress , Politicians South Africa Biography , Political dispute , Abantu-Batho , Enemy of the people
  • Language: English
  • Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/409799 , vital:70631 , DOI 10.21504/10962/409802
  • Description: Saul Msane was a prominent founding member of the ANC and an active journalist and editor of the ANC newspaper Abantu-Batho. His career generated controversy. Towards the end of his life, he had a feud with his colleagues in the African National Congress (henceforth Congress) that led to him being labelled isitha sabantu, “the enemy of the people” for his refusal to support the Shilling strike of 1918, an accusation which was retracted a year after his death in 1919. The label of isitha sabantu levelled against Msane, had the effect of ending his political prominence in the Transvaal, forcing him to relocate to kwaNongoma where he died shortly thereafter. Msane’s years in the Congress amounted to about seven years, between 1912, the founding of the Congress, and the demise of his career in 1919. Msane’s seven years in Congress were characterised by controversies, clashes, and conflicts owing to his perceived elitism. In Congress historiography Msane is an obscure and elusive figure, he lives here and there in a footnote, as a supporting statement or a mentioned in mere passing. His marginalisation reveals some of the gaps within the history of Congress and invites us to write about those who did not emerge from the history of Congress necessarily as heroes. This thesis sets out to write a biography of Msane and document his political career beyond that one moment in which he came to be “isitha sabantu”. While Msane’s Congress career was comparably short and filled with tensions, an archive of his life exists. This study is an exploration of that archive to reconstruct the biography of a once prominent leader who dies in political exile from the Congress movement. This thesis sets out to do two key things in relation to reconstructing Msane’s life: Firstly, it reconstructs the longer biography of Msane’s political life by drawing on the existing archives, and thus filling in the South African historical record in that regard. Secondly, at the broader conceptual and historiographical level, it argues that the controversies surrounding Msane’s persona and character illustrate that conceptions of elitism and the nature of being ‘elite’ were key to the politics of Congress at the time. , U-Saul Msane wayengomunye wabasunguli beqembu lika-African National Congress (uKhongolose) futhi eyIntatheli nomhleli wephephandaba i-Abantu-Batho. Umsebenzi ayewenza waba nezingqinamba eziningi ngokwezepolitiki. Ngasekugcineni kwempilo yakhe waba nokungazwani nabaholi ayesebenza nabo kuKhongolose okwadala ukuba abizwe ngesitha sabantu ngenxa yokuba engavumelananga nesiteleka sango-1918 lapho abasebenzi babelwela ukukhushulelwa amaholo. Leligama lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu lahoxiswa ngo 1919 sekudlule unyaka engasekho emhlabeni. Lokubizwa ngesitha sabantu kwalilimaza igama lakhe kwezepolitiki e-Transvaal waze wathutha wayohlala kwaNongoma nokuyilapho ashonela khona. Iminyaka uMsane ayisebenzele uKhongolose yaba isikhombisa, kusukela ekusungulweni kwayo ngo 1912 kuze kufike ekulimaleni komsebenzi wakhe wezepolitiki ngo 1919. Kuleminyaka eyisikhombisa umsebenzi wakhe kuKhongolose wawubhekene nokugxekwa okukhulu nokubukeka njengomuntu onokuzenza ngcono kunabanye abantu. Emlandweni kaKhongolose uMsane akavezwa ngendlela emfanele, kukhulunywa ngaye kudlulwa nje. Lokunganakwa kukaMsane emlandweni kaKhongolose kusiphoqa ukuba sibhale ngabaholi abangaqakanjiswa. Lolucwaningo luveza umlando kaMsane ngokujulile ngaphezu kwangalesikhathi abizwa khona ngesitha sabantu. Noma umsebenzi kaMsane kuKhongolose wabamfushane kunabanye futhi ugcwele izinto kodwa noko ingobo yawo ikhona. Lolucwaningo lucubungula lengobo ukuhlaziya nokubhala kabusha umlando wengqalabutho eyagcina ishonela ngaphandle kombutho kaKhongolose. Loluphando lifisa ukwenza izinto ezimbili: Okokuqala, ibhala kabusha umlando omude wezepolitiki kaMsane kusetshenziswa ulwazi olukhona. Loku kuzosiza ukunothisa umlando wezepolitiki wezwe laseNingizimu Afrika. Okwesibili, ezingeni lobunzululwazi, lolucwaningo luveza ukuthi izinkinga uMsane ahlangabezana nazo zazisukele endleleni okwakubukwa ngayo indaba yokucwasana ngazinga empilo abantu, kwakuyinto ejulile kuKhongolose ukubukeka kwabanye sengathi bazenza ngcono. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2023
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  • Date Issued: 2023-03-30

M.M. Hala: Memoirs of an Umkhonto WeSizwe Cadre

  • Authors: Hala, Mzimasi Mike
  • Date: 2022-10-14
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) , Anti-apartheid movements South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1948-1994 , Hani, Chris, 1942-1993 , Holomisa, Bantu, 1955- , Bisho massacre
  • Language: English
  • Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406785 , vital:70307
  • Description: Born in Komani (Queenstown) in 1959 and detained for Congress of South African Students (COSAS) activities while still at school, Mzimasi Mike Hala departed South Africa via Swaziland in 1981 and joined uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK). Trained in Angola, Cuba and East Germany, he commanded Cacuso camp in Angola, until redeployed to South Africa in 1987 to work underground in Venda and Cape Town. Following the unbanning of the liberation movements in 1990, he was appointed Commander of MK’s Transkei Region, where he was in charge of Chris Hani’s personal security. For reasons of space, the memoir does not proceed beyond his integration into the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and second-in-command of SANDF Group 46 in Mthatha. Besides its value as a primary source of previously undocumented information, the thesis seeks to bridge the gap between the academic literature on MK and the lived experience of MK soldiers. Having considered both the academic literature and the published MK memoirs in Chapter One, the thesis refers back to the literature in narrative chapters Two to Five. Consolidating its findings in its conclusion, the final chapter is divided into three sections: the political culture of MK, MK gender dynamics and the consequences of the political merger of the “exiles,” including MK, and the “inziles” who subsequently came to dominate the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 2022
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  • Date Issued: 2022-10-14

The roots run deep?: Understanding branch politics within the African National Congress

  • Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
  • Date: 2021-10-29
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
  • Language: English
  • Type: Master's theses , text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
  • Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
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  • Date Issued: 2021-10-29

Understanding ongoing support for the African National Congress amongst the urban poor in national elections in South Africa: the case of Mlungisi, Queenstown

  • Authors: Makwetu, Ncebakazi
  • Date: 2018
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Urban poor -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Elections -- South Africa , Political campaigns -- South Africa , Political capital -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Political psychology -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Postcolonialism -- South Africa , Allegiance -- South Africa -- Queenstown
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62582 , vital:28209
  • Description: The main objective of the thesis is to understand the ongoing support for the African National Congress (ANC) amongst the urban poor in national elections in South Africa with specific reference to Queenstown. The study involved 50 residents in Mlungisi in Queenstown, the vast majority of whom are shack dwellers. The use of semi-structured interviews allowed for an indepth understanding of why people vote for the ANC. The research participants have always voted for the ANC and have no intentions of voting for any other political party. Since 1994, the ANC has in the main pursued a neo-liberal project with a limited focus on redistribution. Because of this, most blacks living in urban areas continue to live under conditions of extreme poverty. The abject material conditions of people living in Mlungisi does not provide a strong basis for why they would vote almost unreservedly for the ANC. In seeking to offer an explanation, the thesis turns to theories of the post-colony, including the work of Frantz Fanon and Partha Chatterjee, as these theories provide an analysis of the character of the post-colonial state and the ways in which the government engages with its citizens. These macro-level theories are complemented by middle-level theories about voting and voting patterns in seeking to understand why Mlungisi residents vote for the ANC, raising questions of identity, loyalty and clientelism in the process.
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  • Date Issued: 2018

A critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the contesting discourses articulated by the ANC and the news media in the City Press coverage of The Spear

  • Authors: Egglestone, Tia Ashleigh
  • Date: 2014
  • Subjects: Murray, Brett , African National Congress , Mass media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Press and politics -- South Africa , Freedom of the press -- South Africa , Mass media policy -- South Africa , Newspapers -- Objectivity , Critical discourse analysis , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:3526 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012975
  • Description: This research focuses on the controversy surrounding the exhibition and media publication of Brett Murray’s painting, The Spear of the Nation (May 2012). It takes the form of a qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), underpinned by Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach, to investigate how the contesting discourses articulated by the ruling political party (the ANC) and the news media have been negotiated in the City Press coverage in response to the painting. While the contestation was fought ostensibly on constitutional grounds, it arguably serves as an illustrative moment of the deeply ideological debate occurring in South Africa between the government and the national media industry regarding media diversity, transformation and democracy. It points to the lines of fracture in the broader political and social space. Informed by Foucault’s conceptualisation of discourse and the role of power in the production of knowledge and ‘truth’, this study aims to expose the discourses articulated and contested in order to make inferences about the various ‘truths’ the ANC and the media make of the democratic role of the press in a contemporary South Africa. The sample consists of five reports intended to represent the media’s responses and four articles that prominently articulate the ANC’s responses. The analysis, which draws on strategies from within critical linguists and media studies, is confined to these nine purposively sampled from the City Press online newspaper texts published between 13 May 2012 and 13 June 2012. Findings suggest the ANC legitimise expectations for the media to engage in a collaborative role in order to serve the ‘national interest’. Conversely, the media advocate for a monitorial press to justify serving the ‘public interest’. This research is envisioned to be valuable for both sets of stakeholders in developing richer understandings relevant to issues of any regulation to be debated. It forms part of a larger project on Media Policy and Democracy which seeks to contribute to media diversity and transformation, and to develop the quality of democracy in South Africa.
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  • Date Issued: 2014

How does security limit the right to protest? : a study examining the securitised response to protest in South Africa

  • Authors: Royeppen, Andrea Leigh
  • Date: 2014
  • Subjects: Protest movements -- South Africa , Political violence -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 21st century , Civil rights -- South Africa , Police power -- South Africa , Abuse of administrative power -- South Africa , Police -- Complaints against -- South Africa , Right to strike -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political leadership -- South Africa -- 21st century , Political participation -- South Africa , African National Congress , South African Police Service
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2878 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013071
  • Description: In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.
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  • Date Issued: 2014

The second transition : an analysis of the political rhetoric of the ANC and ANCYL

  • Authors: Maseko, Thulani Norman
  • Date: 2013
  • Subjects: African National Congress , African National Congress -- Youth League , Rhetoric -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
  • Identifier: vital:8343 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020760
  • Description: South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.
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  • Date Issued: 2013

Assessing internal contestations within the ANC: the post-Polokwane political landscape: the case-study of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality

  • Authors: Ralo, Mpumezo Welcome
  • Date: 2012
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Politics, Practical -- South Africa , Political campaigns -- South Africa , Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development , South Africa -- Economic Conditions -- 2007 , South Africa -- Politics and government
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
  • Identifier: vital:8302 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019783
  • Description: The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.
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  • Date Issued: 2012

Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics: the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006)

  • Authors: Makwembere, Sandra
  • Date: 2007
  • Subjects: Makana Municipality , South African Municipal Workers Union , African National Congress , Cosatu , South African Communist Party , Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Industrial relations -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Labor unions -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
  • Identifier: vital:3301 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003089 , Makana Municipality , South African Municipal Workers Union , African National Congress , Cosatu , South African Communist Party , Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Industrial relations -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Labor unions -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Description: This thesis is in the field of Industrial Relations. It concerns a micro-level investigation of the dynamics of public sector industrial relations in post-apartheid South Africa. It focuses on the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and explores what the Alliance relationship has meant for the traditional roles of employees and their representatives on the one hand, and employers and their representatives on the other. The thesis examines the political, organisational and societal contradictions and implications for COSATU public sector union affiliates and their members in their relationship to the ANC as an ally (via the Alliance) and the context in which ANC members form part of management (in government). The South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) was used as an archetype of a COSATU public sector union affiliate that engages with the State as employer at the municipal level. It is a case study of Makana Local Municipality (Eastern Cape Province, South Africa) using qualitative research techniques and content analysis to derive the relevant information. The author conducted a series of in-depth interviews of key informants and observations at Makana Local Municipality were done. Based on the empirical data obtained from the investigation, the thesis argues that the traditional roles in the employment relationship at the workplace have been affected by the political alliance. Industrial relations roles have become increasingly vague especially since many within local government share ANC/SACP memberships with members of the trade union. The study also highlights that within an increasingly globalising post-apartheid environment, the Alliance provides mixture of benefits and challenges for workplace negotiations and employment relations in ways that macro-level analyses of employer-employee relationships do not always capture.
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  • Date Issued: 2007

A democratising South Africa?: an analysis of the 2004 national election

  • Authors: Prudhomme, Leah Shianne
  • Date: 2004
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2823 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003033 , African National Congress , Elections -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Description: Two of the post apartheid elections held in South Africa (1994, 1999) have been used as mechanisms to analyse and assess the extent to which the country’s transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation is succeeding or not. The primary analytical focus of the 1994 and 1999 elections has revolved around the nature of the party system and voting behaviour. Basically, contestation has arisen over two primary and related issues: the dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) weighed against the weakness of opposition parties and the implications that this development has for effective democratic consolidation. Also, whether voting decisions based on divisive racial and ethnic identities that underlie electoral contests are pervasive enough to derail the process of democratisation. Generally, the primary conclusion has been that the unfolding pattern of South African electoral politics indicates sufficient grounds on which to doubt the prospects for effective democratic consolidation. This dissertation engages these debates with particular reference to the 2004 elections. In contrast to this pessimistic view of the prospects of successful democratisation in South Africa it upholds through an analysis of the 2004 elections the view that there is insufficient empirical evidence, to conclude that South Africa’s democratisation process is imperiled. It maintains that although there are problems related to the to the nature of the party system and some elements of voting behaviour there is enough countervailing evidence revealed by the 2004 election results that this does not present a substantially serious threat to the prospects of South Africa attaining a democratic society.
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  • Date Issued: 2004

The political significance of Winnie-Madikazela Mandela's position in the African National Congress

  • Authors: Motseta, Sello
  • Date: 2000
  • Subjects: African National Congress , Mandela, Winnie , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Language: English
  • Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
  • Identifier: vital:2810 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003020 , African National Congress , Mandela, Winnie , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
  • Description: Winnie Mandela has endured so many scandals over the last ten years that she has acquired a reputation for being untouchable. It is therefore ironic that there are those who feel that "the ANC want to act against Winnie not because of her human rights record, but for her outspoken criticism of the government's inability to deliver houses, thwart crime and testing our feelings on the death penalty." This assessment is instructive because in the "... turbulent years of the 1980s, she was a hero, a living martyr to the black liberation cause and despite the discomforts inflicted on her by her perpetrators, she revelled in the role" (Sparks, 1994:15). But Winnie Madikazela-Mandela, who was a Deputy Minister before being dismissed and who has had to appear before the TRC because of allegations that she was responsible for the death of teenage activist Stompie Seipei, has nevertheless been able to make a political comeback. The thesis therefore sets out to examine the rationale behind the State President's (he did not hold this title then) decision to take a considerable risk in standing by Winnie Madikazela-Mandela (they were at the time married) during her trial on charges of kidnapping in 1991. Even after her conviction, Mandela wrote that "as far as I was concerned, verdict or no verdict, her innocence was not in doubt." This unstinting loyalty was replicated elsewhere. Commenting on her acquittal on the assault charges, ANC Youth League President, Peter Mokaba, said: "What was taken away from her as a result of these false allegations must now be given back". He described the Appellate Division decision as "a political sentence" saying: "It has nothing to do with whether she was guilty or not."3 The ANC has established a practice of accommodating dissidents within its structures and has survived complex challenges during its years in exile by doing so. But political commentators are now asking whether the political cost will prove to be too great.
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  • Date Issued: 2000

A basic guide to the Reconstruction and Development Programme

  • Authors: African National Congress
  • Date: 1994
  • Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , book
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
  • Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
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  • Date Issued: 1994

Ambiguities of South Africa's quest for democracy: inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University

Crowd of 1 600 packs hall to hear Slabbert

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