The impact of South Africa's sale of weapons to Saudi Arabia : the case of Yemen
- Authors: Mekuto, Phumelela
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Conflict management , Military weapons , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/63334 , vital:73258
- Description: Since the start of the Yemeni conflict in 2014, both the Saudi-led military and the Iranian-backed Houthi Rebel group have launched missile airstrikes across the nation (Sharp & Brudnick, 2015). These attacks are carried out using high-tech military tools, such as drones, aircraft, bombs, and other weapons. According to Hokayem (2016), nearly 24 million Yemenis require aid as Yemen experiences the world’s largest humanitarian crises. Open Secretes released a report in 2020 outlining that weapons used in the war in Yemen could be traced back to Denel, alluding to its role and complicity in the conflict. The aim of this study is to investigate the role of Denel in the conflict in Yemen and its socio-economic effects. In doing so, South Africa’s trade relations with the Saudi-Arabia will be explored. In addition, unpacking the socio-economic conditions that exists domestically and internationally that influence global arms trade. A qualitative research approach is employed. Secondary research analysis is conducted using government publications, international policy reports, books, journals, and newspaper articles. In addressing the social aspect of the arms trade effects, the humanitarian component uses a psycho-social theoretical framework which encompasses Burtons’ human needs theory. In addition to this main theory, the frustration-aggression theory as well as the relative deprivation theory were applied to support the theory central to the study. Fundamental to this study is understanding Denel’s’ complicity in the conflict in Yemen and the effects thereof. This stems from the company’s trade agreements between itself and Saudi Arabia, which has been at the forefront of multiple proxy wars within the region. Denel’s implied complicity stems from the correlation between the heightened period of conflict in the Yemen and the parastatal’s record-breaking order book during the same period. The research study focuses on the period between 2013 – 2016. Further research has been conducted in order to provide a comprehensive historical account and context of the conflict and the role of Denel as a parastatal organisation. Furthermore, this study delves into ongoing crises and the volatile nature of global arms trade regulations. It is for the reasons alluded to above that the study insists on not limiting period of the study to 2013 – 2016. The study findings suggest that although weapons used in the conflict in Yemen could be traced back to Denel, these were insignificant to the overall contribution to the conflict in Yemen, despite South Africa’s and Saudi Arabia’s breach of the End-User agreement. As a result of Saudi Arabia’s continued infringement of human rights, the state was not to be sold weapons as they are proven to have further ramifications against the protection of human rights. Moreover, the arms trade industry partially functions independently from government intervention and regulation, making it increasingly difficult to implement international policy. What is of paramount importance is the direct effect of conflict on innocent civilians who continue to suffer and the human cost of profit and the struggle for power and resources. Recommendations highlighted in the treatise include striking a balance between profitability and the humanitarian perspective by taking into consideration both private sector profit motives and the public sector's responsibility to prioritise human rights and the well-being of people. This approach ensures efficient management of Denel and reduces the possibility of privatization, as Denel remains the lifeline of the South African Defense Force (SADF). To ensure compliance with domestic and international arms treaty regulations, it is necessary to enforce a stricter process for arms sales justification. The agreement should incorporate legal measures that enable the prosecution of the state in cases where irregularities in weapons sales approval, including corruption or personal/political motives, are identified. The study recommends that Denel should initiate a strategic restructuring plan to revitalise its business model and leadership development. This restructuring should prioritise ethical business practices, legality, and vetting of customer information while ensuring profitability for self-sustainability. Addressing irregular sale agreements is crucial before investing in technology advancement and research. Growth assessment should be based on profit margins and order book prospects to ensure business optimisation and resource adequacy. Denel's success is vital for South Africa's GDP growth. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
- Authors: Mekuto, Phumelela
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Conflict management , Military weapons , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/63334 , vital:73258
- Description: Since the start of the Yemeni conflict in 2014, both the Saudi-led military and the Iranian-backed Houthi Rebel group have launched missile airstrikes across the nation (Sharp & Brudnick, 2015). These attacks are carried out using high-tech military tools, such as drones, aircraft, bombs, and other weapons. According to Hokayem (2016), nearly 24 million Yemenis require aid as Yemen experiences the world’s largest humanitarian crises. Open Secretes released a report in 2020 outlining that weapons used in the war in Yemen could be traced back to Denel, alluding to its role and complicity in the conflict. The aim of this study is to investigate the role of Denel in the conflict in Yemen and its socio-economic effects. In doing so, South Africa’s trade relations with the Saudi-Arabia will be explored. In addition, unpacking the socio-economic conditions that exists domestically and internationally that influence global arms trade. A qualitative research approach is employed. Secondary research analysis is conducted using government publications, international policy reports, books, journals, and newspaper articles. In addressing the social aspect of the arms trade effects, the humanitarian component uses a psycho-social theoretical framework which encompasses Burtons’ human needs theory. In addition to this main theory, the frustration-aggression theory as well as the relative deprivation theory were applied to support the theory central to the study. Fundamental to this study is understanding Denel’s’ complicity in the conflict in Yemen and the effects thereof. This stems from the company’s trade agreements between itself and Saudi Arabia, which has been at the forefront of multiple proxy wars within the region. Denel’s implied complicity stems from the correlation between the heightened period of conflict in the Yemen and the parastatal’s record-breaking order book during the same period. The research study focuses on the period between 2013 – 2016. Further research has been conducted in order to provide a comprehensive historical account and context of the conflict and the role of Denel as a parastatal organisation. Furthermore, this study delves into ongoing crises and the volatile nature of global arms trade regulations. It is for the reasons alluded to above that the study insists on not limiting period of the study to 2013 – 2016. The study findings suggest that although weapons used in the conflict in Yemen could be traced back to Denel, these were insignificant to the overall contribution to the conflict in Yemen, despite South Africa’s and Saudi Arabia’s breach of the End-User agreement. As a result of Saudi Arabia’s continued infringement of human rights, the state was not to be sold weapons as they are proven to have further ramifications against the protection of human rights. Moreover, the arms trade industry partially functions independently from government intervention and regulation, making it increasingly difficult to implement international policy. What is of paramount importance is the direct effect of conflict on innocent civilians who continue to suffer and the human cost of profit and the struggle for power and resources. Recommendations highlighted in the treatise include striking a balance between profitability and the humanitarian perspective by taking into consideration both private sector profit motives and the public sector's responsibility to prioritise human rights and the well-being of people. This approach ensures efficient management of Denel and reduces the possibility of privatization, as Denel remains the lifeline of the South African Defense Force (SADF). To ensure compliance with domestic and international arms treaty regulations, it is necessary to enforce a stricter process for arms sales justification. The agreement should incorporate legal measures that enable the prosecution of the state in cases where irregularities in weapons sales approval, including corruption or personal/political motives, are identified. The study recommends that Denel should initiate a strategic restructuring plan to revitalise its business model and leadership development. This restructuring should prioritise ethical business practices, legality, and vetting of customer information while ensuring profitability for self-sustainability. Addressing irregular sale agreements is crucial before investing in technology advancement and research. Growth assessment should be based on profit margins and order book prospects to ensure business optimisation and resource adequacy. Denel's success is vital for South Africa's GDP growth. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
The Islamic Bloc at the United Nations Human Rights Council
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Rist, Duncan Graham
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: United Nations Human Rights Council , Organisation of Islamic Cooperation , International relations , International relations -- Moral and ethical aspects , Political leadership -- Moral and ethical aspects , Power (Social sciences) -- United States , Human rights -- International cooperation , Liberalism -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142759 , vital:38114
- Description: Uncertainty as to the future of the liberal international order and the position of the United States within an international system in which it is not the hegemon remains a topic of debate amongst scholars of International Relations (Acharya: 2017; Duncombe and Dunne: 2018; Ikenberry: 2009, 2011, 2014; Nye: 2012 and Monteiro: 2011/2012). Fukuyama’s (1989: 4) “end of history” has not happened and a resurgence of populist leaders within established liberal democratic countries has contributed to a rapid decline of moral and ethical leadership and has further compromised the future of the liberal international order (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 27). As the relative power of the United States declines and the future of the liberal international order becomes increasingly uncertain, support for its future must be sought from outside the West (Duncombe and Dunne, 2018: 25 and Ikenberry: 2009). This thesis seeks to locate where potential non-Western support for the future liberal international order may be found. It does so through an analysis of how Islamic states who are part of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation vote on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The OIC has a significant presence at the UNHRC and can influence the direction of the liberal international human rights regime. The evidence examined in this research project suggests that the future liberal international order and human rights regime can indeed expect some form of cooperation from the OIC. However, the OIC, and by extension Islamic states, would likely offer more support at least for human rights, if a more common understanding were to be found.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Regional thickening as game-changing: examining transnational activities of gender and women-focused civil society actors for region-building in Southern Africa
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
- Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Perceptions of South African foreign policy in the African Union
- Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus
- Authors: Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: International relations , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8308 , http://hdl/handle.net/10948/d1020029
- Description: South Africa plays a very important role on the African continent, both politically and economically. She is often the main protagonist behind various peace-making efforts both regionally and continentally, and now she plays an even more important part in the African Union. In July 2012 South African candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was elected as chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election which highlighted a need to investigate the perception of South Africa in the African Union. South African foreign policy has gone through various stages, from being internationally isolated during the apartheid era to being on the forefront continentally during the successive post-apartheid presidents. The electoral discourse in 2012 however, highlighted some divergent opinions on South African foreign policy which this study investigates. What was identified during the election campaign was a possible negative perception of South African foreign policy, both politically and in terms of the private sector. The study sought to investigate how South Africa is perceived on the African continent, and in order to reach a conclusion it performed a policy analysis as well as a qualitative discourse analysis of the statements given during the election. The policy analysis contextualises and explains South African foreign policy agendas and choices, and the discourse analysis sought to reveal any negative perceptions of South African foreign policy. The findings of the study are that there is a general negative perception of South Africa and her foreign policy in Africa, due to several reasons, which will be discussed in the following study. The negative perceptions stem from the Eastern region, the Western region, as well as from South Africa itself, through political analysts and experts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: International relations , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8308 , http://hdl/handle.net/10948/d1020029
- Description: South Africa plays a very important role on the African continent, both politically and economically. She is often the main protagonist behind various peace-making efforts both regionally and continentally, and now she plays an even more important part in the African Union. In July 2012 South African candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was elected as chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election which highlighted a need to investigate the perception of South Africa in the African Union. South African foreign policy has gone through various stages, from being internationally isolated during the apartheid era to being on the forefront continentally during the successive post-apartheid presidents. The electoral discourse in 2012 however, highlighted some divergent opinions on South African foreign policy which this study investigates. What was identified during the election campaign was a possible negative perception of South African foreign policy, both politically and in terms of the private sector. The study sought to investigate how South Africa is perceived on the African continent, and in order to reach a conclusion it performed a policy analysis as well as a qualitative discourse analysis of the statements given during the election. The policy analysis contextualises and explains South African foreign policy agendas and choices, and the discourse analysis sought to reveal any negative perceptions of South African foreign policy. The findings of the study are that there is a general negative perception of South Africa and her foreign policy in Africa, due to several reasons, which will be discussed in the following study. The negative perceptions stem from the Eastern region, the Western region, as well as from South Africa itself, through political analysts and experts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
Exchange rates behaviour in Ghana and Nigeria: is there a misalignment?
- Authors: Mapenda, Rufaro
- Date: 2011 , 2011-11-09
- Subjects: Foreign exchange rates -- Ghana , Foreign exchange rates -- Nigeria , Economic development -- Ghana , Economic development -- Nigeria , Foreign exchange administration -- Ghana , Foreign exchange administration -- Nigeria , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:976 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002710 , Foreign exchange rates -- Ghana , Foreign exchange rates -- Nigeria , Economic development -- Ghana , Economic development -- Nigeria , Foreign exchange administration -- Ghana , Foreign exchange administration -- Nigeria , International relations
- Description: Exchange rates are believed to be one of the major driving forces behind sustainable macroeconomic growth and it is therefore important to ensure that they are at an appropriate level. Exchange rate misalignment is a situation where the actual exchange rate differs significantly from its equilibrium value, resulting in either an overvalued or an undervalued currency. The problem with an undervalued currency is that it will increase the domestic price of tradable goods whereas an overvalued currency will cause a fall in the domestic prices of the tradable goods. Persistent exchange rate misalignment is thus expected to result in severe macroeconomic instability. The aim of this study is to estimate the equilibrium real exchange rate for both Ghana and Nigeria. After so doing, the equilibrium real exchange rate is compared to the actual real exchange rate, in order to assess the extent of real exchange rate misalignment in both countries, if any such exists. In order test the applicability of the equilibrium exchange rate models, the study draws from the simple monetary model as well as the Edwards (1989) and Montiel (1999) models. These models postulate that the variables which determine the real exchange rate are the terms of trade, trade restrictions, domestic interest rates, foreign aid inflow, income, money supply, world inflation, government consumption expenditure, world interest rates, capital controls and technological progress. Due to data limitations in Ghana and in Nigeria, not all the variables are utilised in the study. The study uses the Johansen (1995) model as well as the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) to estimate the long- and the short-run relationships between the above-mentioned determinants and the real exchange rate. Thereafter the study employs the Hodrick-Prescott filter to estimate the permanent equilibrium exchange rate. The study estimates a real exchange rate model each for Ghana and Nigeria. Both the exchange rate models for Ghana and Nigeria provide evidence of exchange rate misalignment. The model for Ghana shows that from the first quarter of 1980 to the last quarter of 1983 the real exchange rate was overvalued; thereafter the exchange rate moved close to its equilibrium value and was generally undervalued with few and short-lived episodes of overvaluation. In regard to real exchange rate misalignment in Nigeria prior to the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986 there were episodes of undervaluation from the first quarter of 1980 to the first quarter of 1984 and overvaluation from the second quarter of 1984 to the third quarter of 1986; thereafter the exchange rate was generally and marginally undervalued.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Mapenda, Rufaro
- Date: 2011 , 2011-11-09
- Subjects: Foreign exchange rates -- Ghana , Foreign exchange rates -- Nigeria , Economic development -- Ghana , Economic development -- Nigeria , Foreign exchange administration -- Ghana , Foreign exchange administration -- Nigeria , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: vital:976 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002710 , Foreign exchange rates -- Ghana , Foreign exchange rates -- Nigeria , Economic development -- Ghana , Economic development -- Nigeria , Foreign exchange administration -- Ghana , Foreign exchange administration -- Nigeria , International relations
- Description: Exchange rates are believed to be one of the major driving forces behind sustainable macroeconomic growth and it is therefore important to ensure that they are at an appropriate level. Exchange rate misalignment is a situation where the actual exchange rate differs significantly from its equilibrium value, resulting in either an overvalued or an undervalued currency. The problem with an undervalued currency is that it will increase the domestic price of tradable goods whereas an overvalued currency will cause a fall in the domestic prices of the tradable goods. Persistent exchange rate misalignment is thus expected to result in severe macroeconomic instability. The aim of this study is to estimate the equilibrium real exchange rate for both Ghana and Nigeria. After so doing, the equilibrium real exchange rate is compared to the actual real exchange rate, in order to assess the extent of real exchange rate misalignment in both countries, if any such exists. In order test the applicability of the equilibrium exchange rate models, the study draws from the simple monetary model as well as the Edwards (1989) and Montiel (1999) models. These models postulate that the variables which determine the real exchange rate are the terms of trade, trade restrictions, domestic interest rates, foreign aid inflow, income, money supply, world inflation, government consumption expenditure, world interest rates, capital controls and technological progress. Due to data limitations in Ghana and in Nigeria, not all the variables are utilised in the study. The study uses the Johansen (1995) model as well as the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) to estimate the long- and the short-run relationships between the above-mentioned determinants and the real exchange rate. Thereafter the study employs the Hodrick-Prescott filter to estimate the permanent equilibrium exchange rate. The study estimates a real exchange rate model each for Ghana and Nigeria. Both the exchange rate models for Ghana and Nigeria provide evidence of exchange rate misalignment. The model for Ghana shows that from the first quarter of 1980 to the last quarter of 1983 the real exchange rate was overvalued; thereafter the exchange rate moved close to its equilibrium value and was generally undervalued with few and short-lived episodes of overvaluation. In regard to real exchange rate misalignment in Nigeria prior to the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986 there were episodes of undervaluation from the first quarter of 1980 to the first quarter of 1984 and overvaluation from the second quarter of 1984 to the third quarter of 1986; thereafter the exchange rate was generally and marginally undervalued.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
A Special Theme on International Relations - 20th century: HIS 505 & 505E
- Yekela, D S, April, T, Minkley, G, Phoofolo, P
- Authors: Yekela, D S , April, T , Minkley, G , Phoofolo, P
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18371 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011528
- Description: A Special Theme on International Relations - 20th century: HIS 505 & 505E, degree examination January.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2010-01
- Authors: Yekela, D S , April, T , Minkley, G , Phoofolo, P
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18371 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011528
- Description: A Special Theme on International Relations - 20th century: HIS 505 & 505E, degree examination January.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2010-01
A Special Theme on International Relations: HIS 505 & 505E
- Yekela, D S, Minkley, G, April, T, Phoofolo, P
- Authors: Yekela, D S , Minkley, G , April, T , Phoofolo, P
- Date: 2009-01
- Subjects: International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18365 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011516
- Description: A Special Theme on International Relations: HIS 505 & 505E, degree examination January/February 2009.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2009-01
- Authors: Yekela, D S , Minkley, G , April, T , Phoofolo, P
- Date: 2009-01
- Subjects: International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18365 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011516
- Description: A Special Theme on International Relations: HIS 505 & 505E, degree examination January/February 2009.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2009-01
An examination of the validity of the concept of nuclear deterrence within the framework of post-cold war international relations : an analytical conflict resolution approach
- Authors: Lefeez, Sophie
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Nuclear arms control , Nuclear nonproliferation , International relations , Security, International , Nuclear disarmament
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8233 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/827 , Nuclear arms control , Nuclear nonproliferation , International relations , Security, International , Nuclear disarmament
- Description: Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Lefeez, Sophie
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Nuclear arms control , Nuclear nonproliferation , International relations , Security, International , Nuclear disarmament
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8233 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/827 , Nuclear arms control , Nuclear nonproliferation , International relations , Security, International , Nuclear disarmament
- Description: Nuclear deterrence is born from the two superpowers’ relations during the Cold War as they were the first countries to get nuclear weapons and they were the main and most powerful rivals in the world. Then new actors joined the game by testing their own nuclear bombs: the UK in 1952, followed by France in 1960, China in 1964, India in 1974, and Pakistan in 1998. Israel pretends it does not have any nuclear weapons but it is an open secret that they do 1. France helped Israel to get its weapons and the nuclear explosion in 1979 off the southern coast of Africa probably involved Israel and South Africa (sourced by the Federation of American Scientists, the Wisconsin Project on Arms Control, the Center for Defense Information, etc.). This was confirmed by Mordechai Vanunu, former Israeli scientist who worked on developing the bomb. The intrusion of new nuclear countries frightened the United States and the USSR because the balance was already fragile and newcomers could break it. Would the game remain "safe" with more players? Therefore in 1968 both countries drafted a treaty to prevent nuclear proliferation. The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) came into force in 1970, at a time when five countries had successfully achieved a nuclear explosion. The NPT officially recognises only these five countries as nuclear-weapons states. They happen to be also the five permanent member states of the UN Security Council. India and Pakistan carried out a nuclear test after 1968 and are therefore referred to as non-official nuclearweapons states. The new nuclear states adopted and adapted the nuclear doctrine to their needs, their geopolitical interests and their place in international relations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Defining governance in Uganda in a changing world order, 1962-94
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Kintu-Nyago, Crispin
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2788 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998 , Uganda -- Politics and government , Uganda -- Economic conditions , World politics , International relations
- Description: This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
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